Post by Tamrin on May 21, 2012 14:42:44 GMT 10
Prehistoric Construction of Mothering
Excerpt by Kathleen M. Bolen, University of California, Berkeley
Excerpt by Kathleen M. Bolen, University of California, Berkeley
Motherhood integrates bio-procreational and social processes; it includes notions of sexuality, reproduction, personhood, child care, social order, domestic organization and power. Motherhood has often placed the abstract woman on a pedestal, as the only "known" parent is the mother (Gough 1975:55). In our society, childbearing and child care hinders participation within wider society; we too easily project similar notions onto our prehistoric constructs. Problematizing mothering allows for a consideration of the ways gender may operate within a prehistoric context.
Cross cultural and ethnographic research demonstrate tremendous variety in what mothers do, what it means to be a mother, what expectations are placed upon mothers, what maternal behavior entails, and who actually mothers. This paper suggests such potential variability in prehistory by emphasizing the cultural construction of motherhood. If woman-as-mother best describes prehistoric social strategies, then critical consideration of what these mothers do forces serious reorientation in our understanding of the resulting divisions of labor and social organization. Alternatively, if prehistory provides situations of less or differently gendered visions of society, ethnography and research on modern mothering suggest potentially diverse ways of organizing society to fulfill the requirements of infants and children.
The literature on mothering derives from a variety of disciplines. By pulling many writings together I hope to provide an understanding of our construction of motherhood and discuss alternatives for evaluation of such an institution in prehistoric contexts. Psychobiology, psychology, primatology, sociobiology, behavioral studies, and biosocial approaches all attempt to scientize mothering. Feminist influence in the literature has focused on validating mothering for women, recognizing Mothering as a crucial issue for women (and men). My superficial treatment of these contributions to the mothering literature does not highlight any deterministic influences, as "there is no single, undisputed claim about universal human behavior (sexual or otherwise) " (Fausto-Sterling 1985:199). Rather, I present plausibility arguments which focus on various aspects of people and the way they have been understood.
For conceptual clarity, two aspects of motherhood are often distinguished: biological mothering (the birth relation) and social mothering, although such divisions or categories must remain fluid and permeable, as we are not "stratified into a biological base and a cultural superstructure" (Errington 1990:14). There is a relevant undeniable biological "fact" in that females give birth. This reality contrasts with the changing ambiguity of parenting within ethnographic contexts and the growing acceptance of the cultural construction of "biologically" based explanations. The conceptual distinction between mothering labor and birthing labor is important. Birthing labor, which is biological and culminates in giving birth, is undeniably female and remains universally in the realm of women (Ruddick 1989:50). Raising, feeding, protecting, and caring for children commonly defines the activities of motherhood, and occur under a variety of conditions. Socially, all women are potentially mothers, yet often overlooked is the fact that these social functions are not limited to women (Reed 1975:13), or even specific age groups. Throughout this paper, I entertain the idea that these aspects of mothering can be fulfilled by different individuals or groups of individuals.
Cross cultural and ethnographic research demonstrate tremendous variety in what mothers do, what it means to be a mother, what expectations are placed upon mothers, what maternal behavior entails, and who actually mothers. This paper suggests such potential variability in prehistory by emphasizing the cultural construction of motherhood. If woman-as-mother best describes prehistoric social strategies, then critical consideration of what these mothers do forces serious reorientation in our understanding of the resulting divisions of labor and social organization. Alternatively, if prehistory provides situations of less or differently gendered visions of society, ethnography and research on modern mothering suggest potentially diverse ways of organizing society to fulfill the requirements of infants and children.
The literature on mothering derives from a variety of disciplines. By pulling many writings together I hope to provide an understanding of our construction of motherhood and discuss alternatives for evaluation of such an institution in prehistoric contexts. Psychobiology, psychology, primatology, sociobiology, behavioral studies, and biosocial approaches all attempt to scientize mothering. Feminist influence in the literature has focused on validating mothering for women, recognizing Mothering as a crucial issue for women (and men). My superficial treatment of these contributions to the mothering literature does not highlight any deterministic influences, as "there is no single, undisputed claim about universal human behavior (sexual or otherwise) " (Fausto-Sterling 1985:199). Rather, I present plausibility arguments which focus on various aspects of people and the way they have been understood.
For conceptual clarity, two aspects of motherhood are often distinguished: biological mothering (the birth relation) and social mothering, although such divisions or categories must remain fluid and permeable, as we are not "stratified into a biological base and a cultural superstructure" (Errington 1990:14). There is a relevant undeniable biological "fact" in that females give birth. This reality contrasts with the changing ambiguity of parenting within ethnographic contexts and the growing acceptance of the cultural construction of "biologically" based explanations. The conceptual distinction between mothering labor and birthing labor is important. Birthing labor, which is biological and culminates in giving birth, is undeniably female and remains universally in the realm of women (Ruddick 1989:50). Raising, feeding, protecting, and caring for children commonly defines the activities of motherhood, and occur under a variety of conditions. Socially, all women are potentially mothers, yet often overlooked is the fact that these social functions are not limited to women (Reed 1975:13), or even specific age groups. Throughout this paper, I entertain the idea that these aspects of mothering can be fulfilled by different individuals or groups of individuals.